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David Harsanyi: Let’s Debate the Iraq War; Let’s Not Rewrite History

Believe it or not, you can simultaneously believe a number of things about the Iraq War and its aftermath.

You can believe Saddam Hussein wasn’t merely a “bad guy,” but that he harbored terrorists and offered them safe haven and material support.

You can believe that the Bush administration genuinely believed Saddam possessed weapons of mass destruction and also that the war turned out to be a massive strategic failure.

You can believe that the administration believed the Iraqi people would embrace democratic institutions once the Ba’athist regime was overthrown and also that the project failed, leaving us with a bloody mess.

Not one of these things undermines the other.

You should not, however, believe that pundits and politicians are uniquely blessed with the capability of seeing alternative realities, yet the way people talk about Iraq these days they probably think they are.

It is completely rational to hold politicians who supported the Iraq War (and the ones who claim they would extricate us from it) accountable for their votes and policies. It’s an incredible mess.

It’s irrational, though, to claim you know what the Middle East would look like had Saddam (or one of his depraved sons) remained in power, yet nearly every contemporary counterhistory of the Iraq War tells us hundreds of millions of people would be living quietly under stable tyrannies that counteract each other and suppress terrorism.

To accept this as a truth you must also revise history.

Donald Trump’s take on Saddam and Iraq is a complete falsehood. Trump told a crowd in North Carolina: “He did that so good. They didn’t read them the rights. They didn’t talk. They were terrorists. It was over. Today, Iraq is Harvard for terrorism. You want to be a terrorist you go to Iraq. It’s like Harvard, OK? So sad.”

Trump isn’t alone. Not everyone celebrates the ability of a government to kill its own people without any semblance of due process, but less severe iterations of this sentiment are repeated often by anti-war proponents. We made everything worse.

Well, for starters, Saddam didn’t kill terrorists, he killed those who threatened his power, which sometimes happened to include those we might deem terrorists.

Whether it was the Sunni or Kurdish or Shiite theocrats, his goal was to consolidate power.

No, he didn’t read them their rights or talk. He gassed civilians (“a little,” according to Trump) and tortured and raped the families of his enemies during his Stalinist purges.

At the time, there was an underlying moral argument for changing the lives of victims, and with it the trajectory of the Middle East. It failed.

It’s one thing to argue that allowing Saddam to stay may have helped counterbalance Iran or save Christians or avert a Syrian civil war. It’s something else to perpetuate the fiction that he did not export terrorism.

If Iraq wasn’t Harvard for terrorists it was surely a safety school for top-notch extremists. Not only did Saddam aid and shelter the murderers of American citizens, but the United States designated Iraq a terror state for providing bases to a number of violent organizations.

At The Weekly Standard, Stephen Hayes offers a long list of ways Saddam aided terrorists. He mentions “a 2008 Pentagon study, based on 600,000 Iraqi regime documents captured in postwar Iraq, that concluded: ’Evidence shows that Saddam’s use of terrorist tactics and his support for terrorist groups remained strong up until the collapse of the regime.’”

Without any evidence to support his claim, Trump professes to have opposed this war before the invasion. Let’s concede that’s true.

It’s worth pointing out that many anti-war progressives and paleoconservatives — and because Trump most resembles Buchananites I’ll lump him in with them — do not possess any prescience on Middle East matters because they happen to be partially correct about the Iraq War’s aftermath.

Even if weapons of mass destruction were found on day one, and even if Iraq were a stable democracy today, they would have still have opposed it.

They are in blanket opposition to any military action at any time for any reason against any terror state or regime that threatens American interests.

Some segments of this opposition perfunctorily rationalize and justify the actions of enemy regimes, including the Iranian state and Palestinian terrorism.

Plenty of people deserve credit for warning Americans about the downsides of the invasion, but Trump-style paleos are not among them.

Nor should we fool ourselves. In a Reason-Rupe poll conducted a couple of years ago, 51 percent of Americans claimed they had opposed to the Iraq War when it started in 2003. Only 39 percent say they supported the war.

This is highly unlikely. Soon after the invasion, 72 percent of Americans interviewed in a CNN/USA Today/Gallup poll were still in favor. Only 25 percent were opposed.

In the same poll, only 41 percent believed it necessary to find weapons of mass destruction to justify the conflict (as opposed to the 38 percent that thought the war was justified regardless).

Support for the Iraq War didn’t begin to crumble when it was obvious we wouldn’t find a large cache of weapons of mass destruction. It crumbled when Americans realized that creating a viable nation was futile.

I regret my support for the Iraq invasion, as well. But the decision was far more complex, both morally and politically, than today’s revisionism implies. Let’s debate the war. Let’s not change history.

David Harsanyi is a senior editor at The Federalist. Click here for more information, or click here to contact him, follow him on Twitter: @davidharsanyi, or click here to read previous columns. The opinions expressed are his own.

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