On warm summer evenings, our meetings begin in the library of Trinity Episcopal Church, the great stone church at 1500 State St. that has quietly watched over Santa Barbara for more than a century.
The room is lined with biblical commentaries, Books of Common Prayer, and sacred texts from many traditions. A silver bowl used for baptisms rests nearby, waiting for its next use.
A whimsical portrait of the Rev. Mark Asman, Trinity’s longtime rector who retired in 2016 and the founder of CLUE-Santa Barbara, looks over the room.
The windows are heavy leaded glass, but one small panel opens, and on evenings like these someone always remembers to crack it just enough to let the cool air drift inside along with the sounds of downtown settling into night.
Someone usually brings oranges picked from a backyard tree and piles them into a blue ceramic bowl on the table. That scent — more than incense or old books — is what the room smells like to me.
Around the table sit Episcopalians, Unitarians, Quakers, Lutherans, Methodists, Presbyterians, Congregationalists, Jews, Buddhists and others.
Some are clergy. Most are lay people — professors, retired teachers, social workers, attorneys, nonprofit leaders and community organizers.
We do not gather to debate theology.
We gather to discuss affordable housing, immigration, environmental justice, mental health, the Santa Barbara County Jail and the lives of ordinary working families.
That is Clergy & Laity United for Economic Justice — CLUE-Santa Barbara.
Founded during Santa Barbara’s living wage movement more than two decades ago, CLUE emerged from a simple conviction: faith communities should not remain on the sidelines while economic inequality grows around them.
Asman’s vision was deceptively simple but profoundly ambitious — to bring together people from different faith traditions, not to debate doctrine, but to pursue justice together.
More than 20 years later, that vision continues to shape one of Santa Barbara’s most distinctive civic institutions.
Effective organizing is not about speaking for marginalized communities. It is about creating the conditions in which marginalized communities speak for themselves.
Churches, synagogues, temples and other faith communities bring something to public life that government alone cannot provide: a moral language capable of asking not merely what is legal or efficient, but what is just.
When people think of religious organizations, they often think first of charity.
Charity matters. Hungry people need food. Unhoused people need shelter. Families facing eviction need immediate help.
Many CLUE members volunteer in food pantries, shelters and outreach programs.
But CLUE always asks a second question.
Why are so many people hungry? Why has housing become unaffordable? Why has the county jail become one of our largest mental health institutions? Why do hardworking families struggle simply to remain in the community they serve?
Those questions move us beyond charity toward structural reform. Housing justice, criminal justice, immigrant justice, environmental justice and economic equity stop being separate issues and become different expressions of the same moral commitment.
Before strategy, however, we begin with something quieter.
Prayer.
Or silence.
I am often asked to lead the opening prayer, and I take that responsibility seriously — not out of vanity, but out of respect for the remarkable diversity gathered around the table.
In an interfaith room, it is easy, without intending to, to slip into one tradition’s language and ask a Quaker, a Buddhist, a Jew, a Unitarian, or a secular ally to affirm something they cannot honestly affirm.
So I search for words spacious enough that everyone can enter them with integrity. We pray for wisdom, compassion, courage, humility and justice.
And when it works, something shifts in the room. We remember that we are about to begin holy work, whatever any one of us privately means by the word holy.
That prayer is not decoration.
It is a container.
It gathers people from many traditions into a shared moral space before we begin discussing policy.
It holds disagreement without allowing disagreement to become hostility. It reminds us that debates about housing ordinances, county budgets or jail contracts are ultimately debates about human lives.
It frames the meeting within a larger ethical horizon before we turn to the agenda.
Another practice sets CLUE apart from most advocacy organizations. We begin by bearing witness.
Members speak about what they have encountered since our last meeting — an immigrant family living in fear, conditions inside the county jail, a tenant facing eviction, an elderly resident priced out of housing.
I sometimes speak about conversations with unhoused neighbors during street outreach or another preventable death on our sidewalks.
These stories are not interruptions to the agenda. They are its foundation.
Only after we have attended to suffering do we begin discussing solutions.
This library is one of the few places where I can say those things plainly — where the room itself is designed to hold grief, uncertainty, disagreement and hope without asking us to rush past any of them.
Over the past several years, CLUE itself has evolved. Younger women have assumed prominent leadership roles. Latina leaders now serve on the board. Native voices enrich our conversations.
Perhaps most important, people directly affected by injustice increasingly help shape our priorities.
Formerly incarcerated people contribute to criminal justice advocacy. People with lived experience of homelessness help lead housing justice efforts.
Those who have experienced exclusion are no longer simply represented. They represent themselves.
That shift carries one of the most important lessons I have learned in more than 20 years of social justice work.
Effective organizing is not about speaking for marginalized communities. It is about creating the conditions in which marginalized communities speak for themselves.
CLUE’s finances are famously shaky. I say that with affection because it is true, and because it belongs in the story alongside the prayers and oranges.
Like many prophetic organizations, we have usually had more vision than money.
Yet the coalition’s influence has consistently exceeded its size because it brings together faith communities, scholars, grassroots organizers, elected officials, nonprofit leaders and people with lived experience who continually remind our community that budgets are moral documents and housing is ultimately about human dignity, not simply economics.
Twenty years in, I have come to think justice work means something narrower — and harder — than I once imagined.
It means listening carefully to voices very different from my own. It means trying to understand political positions I do not share rather than merely dismissing them. It means compromising without surrendering one’s principles.
Above all, it means translating public policy — contracts, zoning ordinances, budget line items — back into moral and ethical language, because policy left untranslated eventually forgets that it was ever about people at all.
When our meetings end, we often close with another prayer or a moment of silence before stepping back onto State Street.
The city has not changed. Families still struggle with impossible rents. People still sleep outdoors. The work remains unfinished.
But for two hours inside that library, with the window open and oranges resting in the blue bowl, people from many religious traditions have practiced something increasingly rare in American public life.
They have listened before speaking. They have disagreed without contempt. They have sought consensus before victory. They have translated budgets into questions of human dignity and public policy into stories about real people.
In an age of polarization and cynicism, that may be CLUE-Santa Barbara’s quiet achievement.
Week after week, it reminds us that faith can still serve as a bridge — between prayer and public policy, between charity and justice, and between the world we have inherited and the Beloved Community we are still struggling to build.

