Sen. James Lankford, R-Okla., has not officially announced his long-term political goals.
But deep-red Oklahoma’s senior senator has done a superb job of shooting himself in the foot by joining up with three open borders advocates in what they laughingly refer to as a bipartisan border agreement.
Under the watchful eyes of Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., Lankford’s negotiating colleagues are Sens. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., and Kyrsten Sinema, I-Ariz., who caucuses with Democrats.
Murphy and Sinema have consistently voted against border and interior enforcement while favoring amnesty enticements.
Neither, however, has served close to Schumer’s three decades-plus in Congress during which time he has unbendingly fought for higher immigration levels and less enforcement.
Up against Schumer and company, Lankford is out of his element.
Even the most cursory review of the Senate’s proposed deal shows that the details would not only keep the border open but also encourage more illegal immigration.
Leaked details include a disastrous provision that once border crossings reached a seven-day 5,000 rolling daily average, the Homeland Security Department would have the authority to shut down migration.
Daily encounters between 4,000 and 5,000 would allow for discretionary expulsions, and any single day where there were more than 8,000 encounters, expulsions would be mandatory even if the seven-day average is lower.
Those expulsions would also be exempt from judicial review.
Not only would such levels be inconsistent with border security, but President Joe Biden has complete authority to shut down the border without more congressional legislation.
According to advocates close to the talks, the legislation would also tighten asylum standards, speed up the hearing process, double deportation flights and expedite work permits.
Only expedited work permits are likely to become a reality, a harmful feature that expands the labor force with unskilled workers and takes away jobs from U.S. workers.
Andrew Arthur, a Center for Immigration Studies Resident Fellow in Law and Policy, and a former immigration judge, wrote in a New York Post op-ed that Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act gives the president authority to “suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens.”
Moreover, in 2018, the U.S. Supreme Court rejected immigration advocates’ challenges to travel restrictions that President Donald Trump implemented on certain nationals of terrorist hotspots and countries hostile to the United States.
The court ruling stated that Section 212(f) “exudes deference to the president in every clause.”
House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., reflecting most Americans’ sentiments and promising that if the Senate bill should ever reach the House of Representatives it would be DOA, said that the “goal should be zero illegal crossings a day, not 5,000.”
Unlike the Senate trio, Johnson knows that in the Iowa and New Hampshire primaries, immigration ranked with the economy as the two issues that most troubled voters.
Lankford, an ordained Southern Baptist minister, has pushed back against criticism and claims that election year politics and not the bill’s details hamper the Senate process.
Voters are increasingly aware that Biden’s lack of political will to enforce existing laws is the main reason the border remains open.
Deep skepticism with the White House’s immigration agenda has intensified, and a bad Senate bill will not soothe voters’ immigration anxiety.
Lankford got a sample of how getting cozy with Schumer could derail his career. The Oklahoma Republican Party voted to censure Lankford for his close work with Democrats on border legislation.
However, since not all of the state party members were present, the censure was not official. Still, the vote could be a signal of trouble ahead for Lankford.
History’s lesson: Sen. Marco Rubio, R-Fla., got a rude awakening to the long-term consequences of a Schumer connection.
In 2013, only his second full year in office, Rubio was one of four Republican senators who teamed up with four Democrats, including Schumer, to pass the disastrous immigration “Gang of Eight” bill, never taken up by the House.
Rubio’s betrayal shocked Florida’s Republicans. In 2015, Rubio was one of 17 GOP announced presidential candidates.
When the crucial Florida primary time rolled around in March 2016, Rubio needed a win over Trump to remain viable. But Florida’s voters didn’t forget his duplicity and overwhelmingly cast their ballots for Trump, 46% to 27%.
Once considered a frontrunner, Rubio’s presidential aspirations ended that night.
Lankford’s next re-election cycle, should he choose to run, is 2028. Myriad border outcomes could occur in the next six years.
But Oklahoma Republicans are unlikely to forget, much less forgive, Lankford’s eagerness to join the Democrats to keep the border open and subvert U.S. sovereignty.